Dr Rita Pemberton

Like elsewhere in the Caribbean, the enslaved population of Tobago eagerly looked forward to emancipation on August 1, 1838, because they expected they would be able to adjust their lives in the direction they desired.

Their aim was to create a space for themselves and establish independent means of employment to provide for their families an existence that was free of plantation control.

They were disappointed on both counts. The framers of the emancipation law made no provision for the allocation of the island's land resources to the freed men and women. The planting and merchant fraternity, as landowners and members of the assembly and council who were empowered to institute laws, remained in full control of the island's resources and implemented laws intended to prevent land ownership by the newly freed population.

Secondly, emancipation notwithstanding, it was certainly not the intention of either the imperial or colonial authorities to cause the demise of the sugar industry because of a dearth of labour. In addition, there were no other employment opportunities on the island.

Hence the freed Africans found themselves still under planter control both for access to land and for employment. This was made very evident immediately after August 1, when the planters expected the freed population to return to work as usual, but they, in defiance, refused to do so under the terms being offered.

The first hurdle which faced the free population was the need to circumvent the restrictive presence of the ruling planter class and its allies.

Enslavement was enforced by two sets of chains. The physical chains included brutal punishments., enforced working hours, abuse and sales.

After emancipation, restrictive laws and prison replaced the whip of enslavement, but the freed Africans resisted planter control. The first years of freedom were marked by planter/worker conflicts over wages, hours of work and terms of employment.

The freed population was able to take advantage of the weakened planter position, which was caused by the decline of the sugar industry and their failure to obtain imperial support for their requests to be allowed to import immigrant labour. The planters were forced into dependence on the resident workers, who in turn were able to wring out an advantage for themselves in terms of access to land and opportunities to purchase or rent portions of unused estate land from cash-strapped planters.

While planters saw potential advantage from this strategy, which would provide a resident labour force whose services would be readily available, to the freed Africans, it was a means to an end. By securing multiple labour arrangements, they were able to reduce planter control, increase their earnings and reduce dependence on the planters.

In fact, even though wages were not increased, the workers benefited from the multiple employment and their ability to supplement their incomes from their gardens. The tables turned and planters became dependent on labour.

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